열린장관실

 

  윤영관 외교통상부 장관 러시아.이탈리아.프랑스.독일 순방(2003.11.16~25)

  IFRI(프랑스국제관계연구소)방문 연설문

  주제: 북핵문제와 동북아 평화.번영

 

-------------------------------------------------------------------

 

North Korean Nuclear Issue and

Peace and Prosperity in Northeast Asia

  

 Speech by

 H.E. YOON YOUNG-KWAN

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade

Republic of Korea

 

 

At the IFRI

Paris, 21 November 2003

 

 

Introduction

Dr. de Montbrial(드 몽브리알),

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

 

It is a privilege and honour for me to have this opportunity to speak before such a distinguished audience as this at the "Institut Francais des Relations Internationales( 엥스띠뛰 프랑세 데  흘라씨옹 엥테르나씨오날)".

 

The IFRI is renowned worldwide as one of the leading institutions for international studies, and has played an active role in promoting Asian Studies in Europe.

 

Today, I would like to share with you some of my thoughts on the North Korean nuclear issue as well as our efforts for its peaceful resolution and the implications of this for peace and prosperity in Northeast Asia.

 

North Korean Nuclear Issue

 

The North Korean nuclear issue, while posing a serious threat to our peace and security, may also present a rare chance for Northeast Asia to develop a multilateral mechanism for the establishment of lasting peace and prosperity.

 

We intend to focus our diplomatic efforts to seize this opportunity by way of building confidence and accumulating the practice of dialogue among the participants of the Six-Party Talks.  

 

 

                                                                                    

(Background to the Nuclear Problem)

 

Let me, first of all, give you a brief background to the nuclear problem to help you better understand the situation.

 

During the Cold War period, North Korea's security was well guaranteed against the backdrop of intense confrontation between East and West. At the same time, North Korea managed to benefit from diplomatic, economic and military cooperation with other countries in the communist bloc.

 

The collapse of the socialist bloc in Eastern Europe in the 1990s, however, led to a sharp decline in external economic assistance to North Korea, dealing a heavy blow to its economy and conventional military capabilities. In the absence of any serious reform efforts, North Korea became more and more isolated from the rest of the world.

 

North Korea began to feel its relative power vis-a-vis South Korea and the outside world rapidly declining, which in turn led to its growing siege mentality.

 

On the diplomatic front, North Korea has not been able to normalize its ties with the United States, Japan and many countries in the West, while the South has established diplomatic ties with the countries in Eastern Europe, former Soviet Union as well as China.

 

In short, North Korea's economic, military and diplomatic hardships have all combined to harden its will to opt for a nuclear option, resulting in the current nuclear problem.

                                                                                          

                                                                                         

(Approach to the Nuclear Problem)

 

This analysis sets the stage for serious thought on how best to tackle the North Korean nuclear issue.

 

First of all, we need a comprehensive approach to this problem, which takes into account North Korea's security concerns as well as its economic and diplomatic needs.

 

At the same time, the complex nature of the issue requires us to adopt a multilateral approach. For instance, North Korea's nuclear program constitutes not only a breach of the Agreed Framework of 1994, but also a violation of the NPT and the 1992 Joint Declaration of the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula between the two Koreas.

 

North Korea's demand for security guarantees also has a multilateral dimension since it affects relations among countries in Northeast Asia. For that matter, any economic assistance to North Korea, envisaged as part of the solution to the nuclear problem, needs to be multilateral in nature.

 

 

(Arguments for Dialogue with North Korea)    

 

I understand that there are some who are skeptical about the current approach of seeking diplomatic solution with North Korea.

 

For example, there are those who say that North Korea will never abandon its nuclear ambitions and is most likely to continue deceiving its dialogue partners.

 

Some have even suggested that regime change in North Korea is preferable to a negotiated solution.

 

While there might be some grains of truth to some of these observations, I feel obliged to offer my own thoughts on them.

 

Despite the argument that North Korea is never to be trusted and it will never abandon its nuclear program, I am inclined to believe that, if the ongoing talks can produce a comprehensive solution encompassing security, economic and diplomatic dimensions, North Korea may feel secure enough to give up its nuclear ambitions, readying itself to invest scarce resources into economic development.

 

Moreover, the North Koreans know full well that the entire world, including China, will turn its back on them if they ever attempt to cheat again on any agreement which may emerge from the Six-Party Talks.

 

To counter the argument for regime change, I can simply say that  outside pressure to undermine the North Korean regime will cause North Korea to desperately stick to the nuclear option as a last resort. Therefore, any hint at exploring this path will backfire badly, heightening the crisis on the Korean Peninsula.

 

 

(Six-Party Talks)

 

Taking into account the views and assessments which I have just outlined, the Korean government has strived to help set up a multilateral mechanism to address the nuclear issue in a comprehensive and peaceful manner, in close cooperation with other potential participants in the dialogue process.

 

As a result, the first round of Six-Party Talks was held last August, where a broad understanding was reached on such principles as the peaceful resolution of the nuclear issue, the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula as well as the need for a comprehensive solution. It is also noteworthy that the participating countries agreed on the need for continued talks.

 

We are concentrating our diplomatic efforts on resuming the Six-Party Talks at an early date through consultations with the US, Japan, China and Russia, while making thorough preparations for the next round of the Talks. In parallel, we have been urging North Korea to come forward to the second round of the Six-Party Talks through inter-Korean dialogue channel.

 

Recently, there have been promising developments. At the ROK-US summit on the margins of APEC last month, President Bush explained how security assurances might be provided within the multilateral context, conditioned on progress in North Korean nuclear dismantlement. North Korea responded positively to this move.

 

Moreover, during the visit to North Korea last month by Mr. Wu Bangguo, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress of China, North Korea, in principle, expressed its willingness to participate in the second round of the Talks.

 

We look forward to an early resumption of the Six-Party Talks and will continue to work for that.

 

 

(The EU's Role in the Resolution of Nuclear Issue)

 

The EU has always been one of the most active supporters of our policy towards North Korea. Over the past couple of years, in particular, the EU has actively engaged North Korea in dialogue and exchanges in hopes of guiding North Korea onto the path of reform and openness.

 

Since the nuclear problem erupted in October last year, the EU has been adamant in supporting our position, delivering an unequivocal and strong message to North Korea that it must scrap its nuclear program while stressing the importance of the peaceful resolution of the issue.

 

In the course of its contact with North Korea, the EU has been recognized by North Korea as an even-handed political interlocutor without vested interests in the Korean Peninsula and also as a useful provider of aid as well as economic partner.

 

Considering all this, I firmly believe that the EU has a meaningful role to play in the search for ways to bring the North Korean nuclear issue to a complete and final end.

 

Therefore, we welcome the EU's participation in the multilateral dialogue at the right time. We intend to consult closely with the EU on when and how it may join the process of multilateral talks.

 

 

Beyond the Nuclear Issue - Peace & Prosperity in Northeast Asia

 

Having spoken about the pending nuclear issue, I now wish to ponder on the long-term implications of the resolution of the problem through the Six-Party Talks.

 

At present, there is a conspicuous lack of institutional mechanisms for dialogue on security matters in Northeast Asia. We are determined to develop the process of the Six-Party Talks into an institutional security mechanism in the region.

 

Other important issues in the mid- to long-term are those of arms control between the two Koreas and the establishment of a peace structure on the Korean Peninsula to replace the current Armistice Agreement. This will lead to a significant lessening of tension on the Korean Peninsula.

 

The Korean government devised the "Policy for Peace and Prosperity" as a means to achieve such mid-to long-term objectives. This policy is based on the premise that politics and economics are closely intertwined.  

 

The more economically interdependent North Korea becomes within the global network, the more natural will it be for North Korea to follow international norms in diplomatic dealings.

 

The goals of the Peace and Prosperity Policy extend far beyond the confines of the Korean Peninsula. Indeed, the establishment of peace on the Korean Peninsula will serve as a stepping stone to the promotion of peace, stability and prosperity in Northeast Asia as a whole.

 

 

Implications of the EU Experience for Northeast Asia

 

In fact, our government's vision for Northeast Asia's future, as envisaged by the Policy for Peace and Prosperity, draws its inspiration from the European experience since the 1950s.

 

Behind the historic initiative for European integration were two French visionaries, namely the then Foreign Minister "Robert Schuman(로베르 슈망)" and Mr. "Jean Monnet(쟝 모네)".   

 

They played an instrumental role in the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community as a vehicle to promote economic integration of Europe. Through this process, they aimed to overcome bitter conflicts and legacies of war between France and Germany, and eventually to achieve political integration in Europe.

 

In the security area, Europe created the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) in the midst of the Cold War to manage conflicts and build confidence between the Eastern and Western bloc countries in Europe. This multilateral mechanism served to reduce tension across the Iron Curtain, eventually developing into the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

 

As was the case in Europe 50 years ago, it will take far sighted vision and bold initiative to create a Northeast Asian community which ensures peace and prosperity in the region. This is why we are so keen to take a leaf out of Europe's book.

 

 

Conclusion

 

In closing, I would like to quote the much respected Charles de Gaulle(샤를 드골): "A man of character finds a special attraction in difficulty, since it is only by coming to grips with difficulty that he can realize his potential".

 

I believe Korea is a country of character and can come to grips with the difficult situation which has arisen as a result of the North Korean nuclear issue.

 

However, we will be unable to achieve this goal without sustained support from the international community. In particular, we will continue to count on France's unfailing support as we endeavor to seek a peaceful solution to the North Korean nuclear issue, and work towards the realization of lasting peace and prosperity on the Korean Peninsula and in Northeast Asia as a whole.

 

Thank you.