열린장관실

STATEMENT
BEFORE
DEUTSCHE GESELLSCHAFT FÜR AUSWÄRTIGE POLITIK

by

H.E. Mr. SONG Min-soon

Minister of Foreign Affairs and Trade 

of the Republic of Korea

on the Current Situation on the Korean Peninsula

and the Future of Northeast Asia

                                            October 9, 2007
                                            Berlin, Germany



Mr. Fritjof von Nordenskjöld, Vice President of the German Council on Foreign Relations,
Professor Dr. Eberhard Sandschneider, Director of the Research Institute of the German Society for Foreign Policy,
Distinguished Guests,
Ladies and Gentlemen,

I would like to thank you all for being here, especially at this early morning.

I am indeed grateful to the German Council on Foreign Relations for providing me with this valuable opportunity.  I have a great deal of admiration for the Council’s extensive research activities on global issues as well as German foreign policy.  As I hold the Council in great esteem it is therefore a particularly distinct pleasure and honor for me to be able to engage in an exchange of views with you on the situation in Northeast Asia, including the Korean Peninsula and its relations with Germany and Europe.

Berlin has been a specially meaningful place in my professional life.  Twenty eight years ago, I was sent to Berlin on my first foreign posting as a diplomat.  I have vivid memories of looking at the Berlin Wall and feeling a sense of sharing the pain of division.  Visiting Berlin now, when it has assumed a new face as the very symbol of unity, the emotions I am experiencing are quite different from then.

The construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961 and its fall in 1989 were landmark events in history.  The former symbolized the harshness of the Cold War, whereas the latter heralded the start of a new world order

A comparison may be drawn between the thirty years of German history in between those events and the current situation on the Korean Peninsula.  At the Inter-Korean Summit held in Pyongyang last week, one of the issues the two leaders discussed was South Korea’s assistance in repairing the expressway connecting Seoul and Pyongyang.  This reminded me of the BRD’s support for the repair of the Hannover-Berlin Expressways in the late 1970s, which I personally witnessed.  The distance between Hannover and Berlin is similar to that between Seoul and Pyongyang. Similarly, when I saw President Roh walking over the demarcation line, as the first South Korean President ever to do so, the image was reminiscent of events that took place at Checkpoint Charlie in Berlin in the 1970s and 80s.    

These are just a few of the reasons why we look to you for lessons and guidance.  Although the road towards unification was more than challenging, your tireless efforts paid off in the end. 

The first of those efforts, as I understand it, was facilitating dialogue to find common ground between the West and the East, or between the United States and the then Soviet Union.  One good example, as I recall, was the signing of the INF Treaty in the late 1980s, where the BRD’s dismantlement of its Pershing 1A missiles was conducive to bringing the United States and the Soviet Union to the negotiation table.  The BRD’s wise and courageous move played an important role in this historic agreement.  

The second notable undertaking of the German government during this period was confidence-building among neighboring countries. The government’s pursuit of the “Europeanization of Germany” rather than the “Germanization of Europe” laid the foundation for Europe’s trust and faith in a unified Germany.  Likewise, my favorite answer to the question of why Korea should be reunified is that the “reunification of Korea will benefit all countries, neighbouring or distant, because a unified Korea will be democratic, market-oriented, nuclear-free and friendly to all nations. ”

Last but not least, I think it was important for West Germany to engage East Germany.  In the 1970s, summit meetings and the normalization of relations through the “Grundlagenvertrag” served to increase human and economic exchanges between the two countries.

Without a doubt, the wise foreign policies of the BRD contributed to bringing about the unification of Germany, the end of the Cold War, as well as to enhancing global peace and prosperity in the 21st century.  On the Korean Peninsula, we are still in the early stage of substantive dialogue and cooperation between the two Koreas, perhaps similar to the status of the two Germanies in the late seventies in my view.  Your famous Kanzler, Konrad Adenauer, once said, “Wir leben zwar alle unter dem gleichen Himmel, aber wir haben nicht alle den gleichen Horizont.”  On the Korean Peninsula, we are now endeavoring to ensure we look out upon a similar horizon that you once did in your unification process.  I would like to elaborate a bit on the latest efforts a little later.  

Let me start with the North Korean nuclear issue, which is a source of great concern in East Asia as well as in other parts of the world.  I personally have been deeply involved in addressing this problem, having once served as chief negotiator at the Six-Party Talks.  There are somepeople who think that this issue is too complex to be resolved.  However, I believe that it will not only be resolved but that it will offer an opportunity for a new peace and security order in Northeast Asia.  My belief is not grounded on wishful thinking.  On the contrary, I sense concrete developments occurring on the Korean Peninsula at this very moment.

As we have seen, recent progress in the Six-Party Talks has broken new ground as denuclearization moves forward.  In September 2005, the Six Parties agreed on a blueprint for a denuclearized Korean Peninsula.  In February 2007, the Six Parties adopted a plan to implement the blueprint.  As a result, nuclear facilities in Yongbyon were shut down and IAEA inspectors returned to North Korea.  Last week on October 3, the Parties reached yet another important milestone by agreeing on how and when to disable these facilities. 

Pursuant to the agreement, North Korea will disable three key nuclear facilities in Yongbyon by the end of this year.  The North has also committed itself to providing a complete and correct declaration of all its nuclear programs within the year.  This declaration will give us the whole picture of all nuclear-related activities and programs in North Korea, which will be the basis for their final dismantlement.  In addition, North Korea pledged not to transfer nuclear material, technologies, or know-how overseas.

In return, corresponding measures, including economic and energy assistance provided by the five parties, will facilitate the denuclearization process.  The United States, in parallel with the DPRK’s actions, will also fulfill its commitment to North Korea by removing North Korea’s name from the lists of state sponsors of terrorism as well as the Trading with the Enemy Act. 

As such, notwithstanding ups and downs in the process, we are gaining unmistakable momentum for the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula once and for all.  The denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, once achieved, will make a huge contribution to the reinforcement of the global non-proliferation regime and set a valuable precedent in addressing similar problems in other parts of the world, including those in the Middle East. 

As the Six-Party Talks have progressed, great efforts have been made to engage North Korea and to deepen inter-Korean relations.  The Inter-Korean Summit Meeting held in Pyongyang last week was a new landmark effort.  At the Summit, President Roh Moo-hyun and Chairman Kim Jong-il adopted a Joint Declaration, which highlights important objectives and provides direction for the future of inter-Korean relations.

The Declaration contains several important agreements.  First of all, the South and the North agreed to work together toward denuclearization by fully implementing the measures outlined in the September 2005 Joint Statement and the February 2007 Agreement of the Six-Party Talks.  They also agreed to move forward towards the establishment of a permanent peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.  I am not overly optimistic, but, given the nature of the North Korean government, such a direct commitment by the top leader deserves special attention.

In the area of economic cooperation, the two sides agreed to create a “special peace and cooperation zone in the West Sea” with a view to further working on the establishment of a joint fishing ground and maritime peace zone, a special economic zone on land, and on the joint use of the Han River estuary.  These zones will largely saddle the demarcation line that divides the North and South.  The Gaeseong Industrial Complex will be expanded as soon as the first-stage operation is completed.  The South and the North also agreed to open freight rail services between key stations of the two sides as well as to discuss repairs of major highways connecting the South and North.  Other significant agreements include plans for exchanges and cooperation in the social, cultural, and humanitarian areas. All these cooperation projects will be conducted in a mutually beneficial way and thus lay solid groundwork for an eventual inter-Korean economic community.

Returning to the issue of peace and security on the Korean Peninsula, the leaders at the Inter-Korean Summit last week recognized the need to establish a permanent peace regime replacing the current armistice.  The two Koreas, having key responsibilities in maintaining peace on the Peninsula, will play a central role in this process.  As substantial steps are taken by North Korea towards denuclearization, other directly related parties will join the two Koreas at an appropriate time to consult on initiating the process for a new peace regime on the Korean Peninsula.

The progress in denuclearization and the peace process on the Korean Peninsula will in turn open the path for a regional security dialogue in Northeast Asia.  Unlike other parts of the continent, Northeast Asia lacks an institutional mechanism for dialogue on regional security and cooperation.  By nurturing the Six-Party Talks and the peace process on the Korean Peninsula, we can explore ways and means to generate such a mechanism that goes beyond the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue. 

It is at this juncture that I look west to the experience of the multilateral security dialogue during and after the Cold War in Europe.  We in Korea take a great interest in how the CSCE paved the way for security cooperation through confidence-building measures (CBMs) over the years.  Of course, given the different backgrounds in the two regions, it would not be appropriate to directly apply the experience of Europe in Northeast Asia.   However, I believe that if the countries of Northeast Asia aspire to achieve ground for common security and prosperity, they will be able to benefit from the lessons that Europe learned over several decades.

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

The effects of the peace process on the Korean Peninsula will not be confined to the Northeast Asian region alone.  Whilst Europe may seem to be far from Northeast Asia in geographical terms, the two regions are becoming increasingly closer.  I am sure that, in the not too distant future, Korea will be connected to Germany through the Trans-Eurasian Railway, comprising the Trans-Korean Railway (TKR) and the Trans-Siberian Railway (TSR) or Trans-China Railway (TCR).  Experts estimate that the time it takes to deliver freight on the TKR and the TSR will be about one third of that by sea.  I look forward to the day when we will be able to leisurely travel by train from Seoul to Berlin, passing through North Korea and crossing over the vast Eurasian continent.  The first step of the aspiration was taken when the leaders of North and South agreed on the inter-Korean railway cooperation.

In addition, the Korea-EU Free Trade Agreement, which is currently under intensive negotiation, is another critical attempt to bring Korea and the EU much closer - not only economically but also politically and culturally.  The FTA will enable the EU to further strengthen ties with the entire region of Northeast Asia. 

Collaboration between Asia and Europe is a must.  Since its founding in the late 1990s in response to the ever-increasing interdependence between our two regions, the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) has developed into a major tool for facilitating Asia-Europe dialogue.  I believe that ASEM should play a more active role in addressing the serious regional and global challenges.  ASEM should go beyond being simply a forum for dialogue to evolve into an institution that makes action-oriented decisions to enhance practical cooperation between the two regions.  To this end, it is imperative that Germany and Korea work together to shape ASEM into a locomotive for mutual prosperity.

Korea and Germany share many common values and interests. A strong commitment to democracy, human rights as well as global peace and security are now common hallmarks of our two countries.  Both our countries are firm advocates of the UN peacekeeping activities.  On the disarmament and non-proliferation front, Korea and Germany are taking a proactive role in resolving major challenges facing the NPT regime.  Korea has been playing a pivotal role in the Six-Party Talks in Northeast Asia.  Germany has been active in the negotiations for a peaceful resolution of the nuclear issues in the Middle East.

I continue to have a deep sense of appreciation that Germany, as a country that was once divided, has paid special attention to the divided situation on the Korean Peninsula.  Germany is a nation which has played one of the most active roles in engaging North Korea in such programs as humanitarian assistance, the training of North Korean officials, and academic exchanges with North Korean universities and institutes.  I sincerely hope that Berlin will continue to constructively engage Pyongyang, making full use of the wisdom it gained through the experience of German division and unification.  
 
On the economic side, a successful conclusion of the Korea-EU FTA will contribute to upgrading our bilateral economic and trade relations.  It is expected to facilitate and promote strategic linkages between the business communities of the two countries.  Given that Germany accounts for 21% of Korea’s exports to and 38% of its imports from the EU, it is easy to see Germany and Korea would be the biggest beneficiaries of the Korea-EU FTA.

Korea will do its best to expedite the ongoing FTA negotiations, hopefully wrapping it up by the end of this year.  It is our sincere hope that Germany will exert a stronger leadership role within the EU for faster progress in the negotiations.  Korea will also work with Germany to make sure that the Korea-EU FTA will be WTO-consistent and contribute to a successful conclusion of the WTO DDA negotiations.  

Ladies and Gentlemen,

All in all, Germany and Korea are on the right track.  Taking a common response to global or transnational security issues, furthering collaboration in engaging North Korea, and enhancing economic cooperation through the FTA, we are working together in every field with great potential for the future of our two countries and our two regions.

From a geopolitical and economic standpoint, the closer Asia and Europe get to each other, the greater the role Germany and Korea will be able to play.  I ask all of you here today to render your wholehearted support to ensure that our common efforts do indeed bear fruit.

Thank you.        /end/