열린장관실

Northeast Asia and the ROK-US Alliance:
Why the Alliance is Vital for the Region and for the US
- 2007.11.5(월) 18:00(현지시간), 하버드 대학 케네디스쿨 포럼 -

Dr. Leach, distinguished faculty and guests,

Let me begin by extending my warm appreciation to Director Leach and the Kennedy School for the opportunity to speak at this prestigious forum.

Thirteen years ago, I spent a year here at Harvard as a fellow at the Weatherhead Center for International Affairs (WCIA).
It is good to be back, not least because I have missed all the intellectual stimulus I received during that time.

Today, I would like to share with you my views on the Korea-US relationship in the context of the changes taking place in Northeast Asia.
I will try to discuss the strategic interests and goals pursued by our two countries as well as why I see the Korea-US alliance is vital in meeting new challenges on and around the Korean peninsula.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
Over the past century, Northeast Asia has gone through a series of turbulent changes -- including imperialistic struggles among the major powers of the region; the disruption of the World Wars, both “hot” and Cold; and the Post-Cold War transformations.

Today, Northeast Asia has emerged from all this turmoil as the most dynamically developing region in the world.
With one-quarter of the world's population, the region accounts for one-fifth of the world's economy.
And that share is projected to grow to one-third over the next two decades.
Economic interdependency among the countries within the region has also been steadily increasing.

At the same time, however, Northeast Asia is marked by political and security uncertainties that inherently lurk behind the region's dynamic growth.
This is all the more conspicuous with the recent changes taking place in countries in the region.

China, as it pursues its rapid economic growth, is increasing its political and economic weight and actively taking part in every international arena.
All eyes are now focused on how China's rise will affect the region and the world.

Japan is trying to overcome its past and seeks an international role and status commensurate with its economic capability with a view to becoming a "normal country."

Russia, with its recovering economy, is also striving to raise its profile in Northeast Asia, attaching greater security and economic importance to its Far East and Siberia.

These trends portend further changes to the security landscape of Northeast Asia which could give rise to a regional rivalry involving huge military and economic capabilities.
Moreover, the threat of nuclear proliferation in Northeast Asia posed by North Korea's nuclear programs might upset regional stability, if it is not properly addressed.
There are even voices of concern about a potential fault line starting to take shape between the region's continental and maritime powers.

Against this background, the challenge for Northeast Asia is to prevent friction and antagonism among the countries in the region and to manage regional security through constructive engagement, dialogue, and cooperation.
Only by doing so, will we be able to combine the region's dynamism and growth potential with universal values such as democracy and economic freedom, thereby creating a synergy effect that is good for the region and the world.

Ladies and Gentlemen,
The Korea-US alliance has served as a stabilizing force in the region for the past 50 years.
The priority of the alliance today is to successfully manage the changes taking place on the Korean peninsula, including the forthcoming transformation of the armistice regime into a "permanent" peace regime.
The alliance should also move forward to actively tackle the regional and global challenges awaiting us.

The United States is an essential player in this regard, accounting for a significant part of regional politics, security and economy.
Geographically, it has the benefit of being an extra-regional country that is free from territorial disputes and controversies over history in the region.
The United States should continue to maintain its role in the peace and security of Northeast Asia.
This is an important element in the efforts to prevent regional rivalry and competition from escalating into dispute and conflict.

For its part, Korea is playing an increasingly meaningful role in maintaining regional security and promoting cooperation.
It maintains sound relations with all the regional countries, and historically has never been an aggressor or posed any threat to its neighbors.
As such, Korea is in an advantageous position to facilitate stability and help prevent tensions without raising undue alarm.

For example, according to a poll conducted last year by the Pew Research Institute on public attitudes among Asian countries, 70 percent of the Japanese and Chinese surveyed expressed unfavorable views toward each other.
In another poll conducted by the Institute, 64 percent of the Chinese and 54 percent of the Japanese public expressed favorable views toward Koreans.

Recently, I personally took the initiative in convening the Korea-Japan-China Foreign Minister's Meeting in Jeju Island for a three-way discussion of regional issues.
The meeting was successful and will be continued.
This is a good example of Seoul playing a constructive role based upon its unique position within the region.
Clearly, Korea has a vital interest in containing rivalry among major powers in the region.

History shows that the escalation of regional rivalries has led to instability and disruptive consequences for the Korean peninsula.
And in turn, when the Korean peninsula became unstable, the whole region was often thrown into conflict as in the case of many wars in the last century.

To illustrate Korea's role in the region, I believe that our position is comparable to the function of a ball-bearing in a machine.
When the ball-bearings in wheels are solid, for example, there is little friction.
This way, both the ball-bearings and the wheels run smoothly allowing the whole machine to function safely.
In this case the machine is the regional security system.
The Korea-US alliance makes the ball-bearings strong and function effectively.
This is why a firm and smoothly operating Korea-US alliance is beneficial to other powers in the region as well.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

At its origin, the Korea-US alliance was designed to focus on deterring aggression from North Korea.
Over time, the success of the alliance, including South Korea's economic, political and military growth, has enabled us to jointly develop a broader vision that extends to regional as well as global dimensions.

First, in the context of the Korean peninsula, our alliance objectives today include denuclearization, turning the 1953 armistice into a peace agreement, and ultimately promoting democracy, freedom and prosperity through peaceful reunification of Korea.
I have a firm belief that a unified Korea will be democratic, market oriented, friendly to all neighbors including the United States, and nuclear-free.

Second, in the regional context, the primary goal should be institutionalizing regional security and cooperation dialogue and securing the continued role of the United States as a stabilizer.

Finally, in the global context, our aim is to advance universal values such as human rights, and strengthen cooperation on major regional and international issues.

Based on such a vision, Korea and the United States are well on our way to transforming the military structure of the alliance.
For example, the Second US Infantry Division, which has been guarding the Demilitarized Zone for more than five decades, will be soon relocated far south of Seoul.
Wartime operational control over Korean forces will be transferred back to Korea by 2012, giving Korean forces primary responsibility for their own defense including the defense of the DMZ, while US forces will play a supporting role.

Through this arrangement, the Korea-US alliance can continue to strengthen its defense posture and evolve in a way that meets the changing security requirements.
The US forces in Korea will be in a better position to play a stabilizing role throughout Northeast Asia as well as on the Korean peninsula even after the establishment of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula.
I think other actors in the region are also receptive to the need of such a role.

Beyond security issues, Korea and the United States have laid the groundwork for upgrading our partnership in economic, social, and cultural fields as well.
I refer in particular to the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, and to the ongoing efforts for Korea's joining the US Visa Waiver Program.

The Korea-US FTA signed in June, 2007 will substantially expand bilateral trade and investment and contribute to a better quality of life for the people of both countries.
According to a US International Trade Commission (USITC) report, the United States will see about a 10 to 11 billion dollar increase in its exports to Korea, while Korea's increase will reach 6.5 billion dollars by virtue of this agreement.

On top of the purely economic benefits, the strategic implications of the FTA for both countries should not be underestimated, particularly in light of the dynamically developing political and economic configuration of the region.
The Korea-US FTA should be promptly ratified.
This past September, the Korean government requested the National Assembly's approval of the FTA.
Meanwhile, the United States administration is still waiting for the right time to introduce the FTA implementing bill to the Congress.
I believe that the leaders of the legislative branch of both countries will muster their wisdom to bring the FTA into force as soon as possible.

At the same time, Korea and the United States are making efforts to further expand cooperation on major international issues, such as the situation in the Middle East, counter-terrorism, liberalization of trade and investment, development cooperation, and environmental protection.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I am sure that Korea will be able to devote more of its energy and resources to these international issues with progress in the resolution of the North Korean nuclear problem.
North Korea's nuclear program remains an imminent threat to the security of the region as well as a serious challenge to the global non-proliferation regime.
Korea and the United States have made it a top priority to resolve this issue completely through negotiation.

An important milestone in the endeavor was the agreement that was reached between President Roh and President Bush in Washington in September, 2006.
The two presidents agreed to undertake a "common and broad approach" toward the North Korean nuclear issue, based on a shared vision for the future of the Korean peninsula and Northeast Asia.

The two governments decided to pursue aggressive diplomacy with a view to combing out whether North Korea actually has the willingness to negotiate away its nuclear programs.

We agreed on the principle that North Korea's actions on dismantling its nuclear programs will be immediately met with our actions for North Korea's brighter path for prosperity and coexistence.
And in some steps, vice versa.
Conversely, if North Korea holds on to its nuclear programs, it will have to face the consequences.
This is the framework in which the current process of the resolution of the North Korean nuclear issue is advancing.
This strategy on how to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue paved the way for the implementation agreements reached in Beijing last February and October.

Currently, North Korea's promise to disable its major nuclear facilities and declare all of its nuclear programs by the end of the year is being carried out.
In parallel, corresponding measures by the other five parties, including economic and energy assistance and improvements in bilateral relations, are moving ahead as well.
North Korea's denuclearization is progressing, in tandem with the improvement of US-North Korea relations.

Likewise, inter-Korean relations are expanding and deepening along with the denuclearization process, as we have witnessed at the inter-Korean Summit in Pyongyang early last month.
We are moving ahead on these three tracks in a mutually reinforcing way.
They will pave the way to establishing a peace regime on the Korean peninsula.

Seoul and Washington share the view that negotiations can start to establish a permanent peace regime on the Korean peninsula as visible progress is made in denuclearization.
From a broader perspective, the establishment of a peace regime will in turn help build a multilateral security and cooperation dialogue in Northeast Asia.
However, it is a grim reality that we are now entering into an untrodden territory of disabling a country's nuclear program by negotiation.
Thus, we may hit a snag anytime.
That is the reason why I say that we are actually now at a crticical stage.
We need to keep this momentum alive to reach the new horizon we envisioned together.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The bottom line is that the Korea-US alliance is robust and continues to evolve with a shared vision for the future.
The on-going adjustments in the modus vivendi and modus operandi of the Korea-US alliance are right both in direction and method.
I believe these will constitute the solid basis for the future of the alliance under any forthcoming administrations in our two countries.

At the core of the alliance today lie our efforts to resolve the North Korean nuclear issue.
The peaceful resolution of this problem will also have significant bearings on global efforts for non-proliferation, including in the Middle East, setting an important precedent for the peaceful settlement of nuclear issues through negotiation.

Furthermore, in the context of peace and security in Northeast Asia, it will bring forth concentric circles of cooperation and harmony in the region, instead of a confrontational fault line.
These circles start from the innermost one represented by the resolution of the North Korean nuclear problem.
It would expand to the establishment of a peace regime on the Korean peninsula, and to the formation of a Northeast Asia multilateral security and cooperation dialogue.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Recently, there have been serious debates on whether the United States is winning or losing Northeast Asia. Is the United States power in the region declining or gaining?
I am personally neutral on that question. But I am sure that the propositions I have suggested this evening provide a good answer to the future need of our two countries.

I very much appreciate your time and attention.
And I thank you for your interest in Korea, in the future of Korea-US alliance, and in the peace and stability of Northeast Asia.
Your understanding and support have always been important for the alliance and will continue to be so in the years to come.
Thank you very much.