Remarks by H.E. Ahn Chong-ghee
Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs
2017 World Journalists Conference
April 3, 2017, Seoul

President 정규성,
distinguished guests,
ladies and gentlemen,

Let me begin by extending my warm welcome to everyone. I was told that journalists from some sixty countries have gathered here today.

I also wish to congratulate the Journalists Association of Korea for hosting this important event. Since it was founded more than half a century ago, the Association has been vital to advancing the freedom of the press in Korea. A vibrant media is indispensable for the development of a healthy society – and the Association deserves great credit for advancing both journalism and democracy in this country.

It is bright and comfortable spring time now in Korea, a good season to visit. Flowers and leaves are starting to come out. So I hope that you will have a good time while you stay here.

But if we look at the larger geopolitical picture in this area, it is not like spring time. A cloud of uncertainty is hovering over the Northeast Asian region, and over the Korean peninsula in particular. To our north, we see the unremitting pursuit of ever more destructive nuclear and missile capabilities. To our west, we have recently been experiencing huge tensions over the deployment of a missile defense system against threat from the north. To our east, our relationship has also been facing significant turbulence.

But on a lighter note, one could not have asked for a better place for this year’s World Journalists Conference. There will be more than enough subject material to think and write about.

So in the spirit of offering some food for journalistic thought, let me talk about some challenges of our foreign policy, and how my Government seeks to navigate these rough waters.

(The North Korean nuclear challenge)

First of all, North Korea’s ever-growing nuclear threat is our paramount national security concern.

No nation can be at peace under the fear of nuclear attack. For a densely populated country like Korea, the potential havoc is unspeakable.

The threat is not any less real for countries that neighbor North Korea. And as the reach of North Korea’s ballistic missiles increases, so too does the threat it poses to the rest of the world.

Hence, North Korea’s actions are not simply an imminent threat to Korea or this region. They present a very real danger to the entire globe.

To make matters worse, North Korea has recently been stepping up its nuclear development at a deeply troubling pace. Just last year alone, it conducted two nuclear tests and 24 ballistic missile launches. This year has already seen three separate rounds of missile tests.

A sixth nuclear test might also be in the offing. With every launch and every test, North Korea comes ever closer to mastering the technology to wreak mass destruction.

The world has seen that North Korea will not confine itself to mere bluster. VX nerve agent – an extremely lethal chemical weapon – was used to assassinate the brother of the North Korean leader in broad daylight in a third country. The incident is a glaring reminder of the utter recklessness of the young leader.

The coupling of such recklessness with weapons of mass destruction would be a recipe for catastrophic disaster. It is precisely for this reason that North Korea now tops the list of global security concerns for the world.

In the past, for more than 20 years, various efforts were made to come up with mutually agreed solutions. Some negotiated outcomes – the Agreed Framework of 1994, the September 19 Joint Statement in 2005, and the Leap Day deal in 2012 – all failed because of North Korea’s deception and renege.

If anything, those 20 plus years have seen North Korea come closer and closer to acquiring a more advanced nuclear capability.

If the past is any guide, dialogue for the sake of dialogue brings us nowhere. So we have set the bar for dialogue much higher now. That is, dialogue must be genuine and its priority agenda must be about denuclearization, above anything else.

However, ever since the young leader took power, North Korea has been refusing to even talk about denuclearization. Its status as a so-called nuclear weapons state is declared and enshrined in its constitution.

Last year it amended its Party Charter to permanently pursue ByungJin policy – which is a parallel development of the economy and nuclear weapons. This year the young leader started new year threatening to launch ICBM. And it continues with bellicose rhetoric for further provocations.

For Pyongyang, denuclearization is no longer on the dialogue table. The question for us now is how we can make North Korea discuss nuclear weapons as a priority issue.

Since North Korea detonated its first nuclear device in 2006, the United Nations Security Council adopted a total of six resolutions. The latest two resolutions (Resolutions 2270 and 2321), adopted last year in response to North Korea’s fourth and fifth nuclear tests, represent the strongest-ever sanctions by the Security Council.

In addition, Korea and like-minded partners such as the United States, Japan, Australia, and the European Union have joined forces to tighten the pressure against North Korea with their own separate unilateral sanctions.

If we are to change North Korea’s behavior, the sanctions must be strong enough to force North Korea to alter its strategic calculus.

Also, ensuring a robust deterrence posture against North Korea is an integral part of our response. The Korea-US alliance is making sure that we are prepared to deal with North Korea’s belligerence including through extended deterrence.

One more thing we have to keep in mind is that time is not on our side. We stand at the tipping point, as North Korea is nearing the final stage of nuclear weaponization of its nuclear material. It is imperative that we muster the will of the international community to deter North Korea’s single-minded pursuit of weapons of mass destruction.

Otherwise it will be too late for regrets. As we work towards North Korea’s denuclearization, we count on the strong support of the international community.

(THAAD deployment)

The second issue that I would like to talk about is the issue of THAAD deployment.

In the face of North Korea’s growing array of short, medium, long range and even submarine-launched missiles ; in the face of this looming existential threat, Korea has every right to seek to better defend itself. One critical means to do so is the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense or the so-called THAAD missile defense system.

North Korea possesses some 1,000 ballistic missiles. 85 percent of them are short and medium range Scuds and Nodong missiles. To be sure, the THAAD system alone will not be enough. But it does have a proven record of providing the optimal defense against precisely those kinds of missiles.

I would also stress that the THAAD system will be deployed solely for the purpose of defending against North Korea’s missile attacks. It will not be directed towards any third party – a point that Korea and the United States have both emphasized repeatedly.

Concerns have also been raised about the range of the radar system. But when the radar is deployed in terminal mode – as is the case in Korea – its coverage will be limited to the Korean Peninsula. Again, we have repeatedly stressed that the system will not undermine the strategic deterrent of third countries.

Questioning the legitimate right of self-defense is inappropriate. The Retaliatory measures by China against a defensive deployment directed solely against North Korea is something that defies comprehension.

Korean companies have been subject to widespread discriminatory inspections. The company that provided the land for the deployment has seen more than 80 percent of its operating outlets in China suspended.

As of March 15, sales of travel packages to Korea have ceased and group visits have come to a halt altogether. Cultural programs have been cancelled on countless occasions. These across the board measures are deeply misguided and they need to stop.

Not only will such regrettable actions have little effect on Korea’s determination to move forward with the THAAD deployment, but they will turn out to be self-defeating. Economically punishing one of your top trade and investment partners, your number one source of tourists, for completely unrelated reasons, is extremely irrational.

Governments and companies around the world are also taking notice. And many companies will think twice about investing in such a place. Many in the international media have also taken exception to such coercive tactics. But most importantly, such measures have the unintended effect of alienating the Korean people – something which unfortunately will have lasting consequences.

China has in recent months been championing free trade, standing firm in resisting protectionism. We very much welcome this stand. But at the same time, we strongly hope that these words are matched with action.

(Protectionism)

The last issue I want to talk briefly about is the challenging environment facing our trading system.

The world is no stranger to the perils of protectionism. The post-war multilateral free trade regime based on the GATT drew on the dark lessons of the Smoot-Hawley Act of 1930. Free trade has in fact lifted many economies up and helped bring decades of prosperity to much of humanity.

Yet, in recent days the developed world has been witnessing a growing backlash against free trade, against openness, and against globalization. The world was shocked to see such tendencies spur the Brexit vote and the US withdrawal from the TPP. The world was again disappointed to see the reference to “resisting all forms of protectionism” deleted from the joint statement of the G20 Finance Ministers’ meeting last month.

Protectionist impulses have also frustrated efforts to strengthen multilateral trade liberalization at the World Trade Organization. In the wake of the failure to conclude the Trade in Services Agreement and the Environmental Goods Agreement last year, it’s hard to see how multilateral trade liberalization can gain traction in the years ahead.

History teaches us that free trade offers a low-cost, high-efficiency pathway to economic growth. Nowhere is this more true than in Korea. Free trade – both the multilateral trade regime and the free trade agreements - has been a key engine of our economic development for decades.

We know from our own experience that prosperity is achieved, not by closing your markets, but through free and open trade. Thus, Korea will remain steadfastly committed to free trade.

At the bilateral level, we will seek to expand our network of FTAs to Latin America, the Middle East, and Africa. We will also take active part in discussions on promoting economic integration in the Asia Pacific.

At the multilateral level, Korea will continue to work with other like-minded partners at various multilateral fora such as the G20, APEC and ASEM, to help stem the tide of protectionism.

To be sure, free trade is in for a bumpy ride – at least for some time. But it is the right way to go. And I believe that it will eventually reclaim its place in the global economy.

(Closing Remarks)

Ladies and gentlemen,

Somewhat undiplomatically, I have been straightforward and layed out a rather gloomy picture of events related to this region. I merely hope that this has helped all of you get a better understanding on the key foreign policy challenges facing Korea.

I will end on a positive note, however. Franklin D. Roosebelt said that “a smooth sea never made a skilled sailor.” Korea is no stranger to daunting challenges. Just as we have risen to the occasion time and again in our past, so we will prevail over the headwinds of today and emerge stronger still.

Journalists also have a critical role to play in this regard. It is up to you to better inform the public about the current challenges of Korea’s foreign policy. We count on your continued commitment to making our world more peaceful and prosperous.

Once again, I hope you enjoy the rest of your stay in Korea. Thank you.